Video Du Viol De Ingrid 51

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Irene meets a young woman living with six children in a small shack by the river. Three of the children are her own, which she had with a lover who left her, while the three others are orphans taken in by her. Asked by Irene to help the young woman, André secures her a job at a local factory. Shortly before her first day at the factory, the young woman tells Irene that she wants to meet a man she once knew and can't show up at her job. Irene steps in for her and is concerned about the working conditions. When she later tells André of her experience, he argues that the exploited have to be freed, even if it means the use of violence. Irene rejects his view, as for her, love is the only answer to the world's troubles, and says that she is dreaming of a paradise both for the living and the departed. At home, she is accused by George of having an affair with André.

Rossellini and his writers sketch a story in which people are not inherently noble. The God-fearing islanders are too primitive for Ingrid, and their oppressive customs crush her own better temperamenty. She's repulsed by the violence of Tuna fishing (she identifies with the entrapment of the huge fish) and horrified by a deadly eruption. She rejects God, yet when alone and desperate finds she needs something outside herself to believe in. The movie concludes with a deeply felt spiritual mystery. But it did not please the Italian censors, who required a less ambiguous affirmation of the traditional church.

Industrialist George (Alexander Knox) and his wife Irene (Bergman) host so many parties that their son feels neglected. During one party the son falls down the stairwell of their apartment, and after complications, dies. When Irene finally comes out of a deep depression, she gravitates toward her cousin Andrea (Ettore Giannini), a communist publisher. Irene leaps to help when Andrea mentions a poor family whose son needs expensive medicine. Irene is struck by the dreadful living conditions in the slums. She meets the penniless Passerotto (Giulietta Masina) in a shack by a river and helps her care for a large brood of ragged kids. Irene secures a factory job for Passerotto, and fills in for her for the first day. She's horrified by the factory's soul-crushing working conditions, which she sees as slavery. Irene then cares for a dying prostitute, earlier scorned by her neighbors. George and Irene's mother are concerned about Irene's unexplained absences from the house. George accuses her of having an affair with Andrea. Then Irene is picked up by the police for helping a juvenile delinquent to avoid a violent confrontation. Irene is so shocked by George's overreaction that she doesn't try to argue with him. She has no idea what's coming.

Criterion's producer Kim Hendrickson has made sure that each disc comes with a fat selection of fine new extras. A fourth disc contains more. We have Rossellini's own film introductions for a 1963 French TV screening, plus docus on the filming of Stromboli (1998) and Journey to Italy (1953). Two more documentaries cover Rossellini's style (1992) and Bergman's life (1995). Italian critic Adriano Aprà contributes analytical video pieces. The many versions of Europe '51 are explained in a video essay by Elena Dagrada.

Journey to Italy's extras begin with a full commentary by Laura Mulvey, and continue with a 35-minute video piece with Rossellini's daughters Isabella and Ingrid. Martin Scorsese is at hand with an interview, and Tag Gallagher's video essay examines the stylistic progression in the three films. A second video essay by James Quandt concentrates on Journey.

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These shootings are only two on an already long list of horrific tragedies that have cut short the lives of too many children and their educators over the past decades. According to the Washington Post school shootings database, at least 185 children, educators, and others have been killed by gun violence at American schools since the Columbine massacre in 1999, leaving behind hundreds of grief-stricken family members, friends, and communities.

The costs of school shootings for the direct victims and their loved ones are unimaginable. And an increasing body of research shows that the death toll captures only one part of the broader lasting impact that gun violence at schools permeates throughout our society.

A large interdisciplinary body of research characterizes the neurological and physiological mechanisms through which trauma from exposure to violence can impact young people. In brief, such trauma can affect both the biological stress system as well as young developing brains (see, e.g.: Osofsky, 1999; De Bellis, 2001; Carrion et al., 2002, 2007, 2008, 2012; De Bellis and Zisk, 2014; Heissel et al., 2018; Miller et al., 2018).

Our team also studied longer-term consequences of exposure to gun violence at schools. In this analysis, we studied the impacts of the eight shootings that took place at Texas public high schools between 1998 and 2006 on individual outcomes through age 26.

One of the most damaging aspects of mass incarceration in the United States is the harm caused to incarcerated people by dangerous and degrading conditions in prisons, jails, and other places of detention. Practices such as solitary confinement,[67] denial of adequate medical and mental healthcare,[68] and sexual and other violence[69] cause lasting injury, and sometimes death, to those exposed to them. Because of space limitations, this report does not discuss these conditions of confinement in detail, but they are an inseparable element of the harm caused by mass incarceration.

The third discriminatory policy involves the expulsion of asylum-seekers who approach the southern land border under a dated public health directive codified at Title 42 of the US Code. Title 42, when applied in this manner, conflicts with the right to seek asylum set out in Title 8; nonetheless the government continues to use this public health law to expel asylum-seekers.[210] The United States has carried out over 1.2 million expulsions under Title 42, a practice that has disproportionately impacted Black, Indigenous, and Latinx asylum-seekers, particularly from Central America, Africa, and Haiti as these migrants typically cannot access visas to enter the US via air travel).[211] In one high-profile instance, after a large number of Haitian asylum-seekers arrived in Del Rio, Texas in September 2021, the Biden administration sent a series of Title 42 expulsion flights to Haiti, exposing well over 10,000 asylum-seekers to conditions the US government previously recognized as being too dangerous and precarious for safe return.[212] In 2021, CBP officers were videotaped whipping Haitian asylum-seekers from horseback.[213] The use of Title 42 denies vast numbers of asylum-seekers arriving at the border the opportunity to demonstrate their claim of persecution and/or challenge their refoulement.[214] Title 42 expulsions stand in stark contrast to the actions the Biden administration has taken to grant exemptions to the application of Title 42 for the (primarily white) people fleeing from Ukraine.[215] Aspects of Title 42 are being litigated in various cases and the US Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit has held that aspects of the policy are likely unlawful, although not on the basis of disparate or discriminatory impact.[216]

Once apprehended, asylum-seekers and other migrants are subjected to prolonged and arbitrary immigration detention, often in abusive conditions and without adequate health care. Most migrants are also forced to navigate civil proceedings related to their status without legal representation. The United States operates the largest immigration detention system in the world. On a given day, tens of thousands of immigrants are detained on the basis of their status as a migrant.[222] US law mandates detention in many cases.[223] Myriad reports have documented the abysmal conditions to which immigration detainees are subjected.[224] Many detention facilities are operated by private corporations under contracts with the US government; approximately 80 percent of immigrant detainees are held in detention facilities owned or operated by private prison companies.[225] Research has shown that failures by ICE aggravated the risk of Covid-19 infections and that ICE transfers of detainees without prior testing effectively amplified contagion.[226] Detainees who have protested unsafe living conditions, including through the use of hunger strikes, have been subjected to retaliation, violence, and involuntary medical procedures, including force feeding and forced urinary catheterization.[227] While the US does not adequately make available relevant data disaggregated by race or ethnicity, Black and brown migrants are disparately impacted by the harms of immigration detention. While Black immigrants make up only 4.8% of detained immigrants facing deportation before the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), they make up 17.4% of detained immigrants facing deportation before the EOIR on criminal grounds.[228] Data shows that ICE disproportionately places Black migrants in solitary confinement and subjects them to disproportionately long periods in detention.[229]

The inadequate support system has been driven by racial animus,[290] community violence,[291] and discriminatory government policies based on racist stereotypes[292] as well as federal delegation to states.[293] Although most safety net programs are federally funded, state control over program design, rules, and benefit levels has resulted in inconsistent protection and racial inequalities. Similar to problematic aspects of the Medicaid provision,[294] US regions with larger populations of color have weaker safety nets and higher rates of economic hardship.[295] For example, workers of color have higher unemployment rates and also are more likely to reside in states with weaker unemployment insurance systems and other safety net programs.[296] 2b1af7f3a8